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23  WEST  MAIP  STREET 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  ct  bibliographiques 


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D 


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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommagde 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pelliculde 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


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I      I    Includes  supplementary  material/ 


Th 
to 


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po 
of 
fil 


Or 
be 
thi 
sit 
ot 
fir 
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or 


Th 
sh 
Til 
wl 

Ml 
dif 
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bo 
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Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

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obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


10X 

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18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

/ 

12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

The  copy  filmed  her*  hae  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

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ginArosIt*  de: 

University  of  British  Columbia  Library 


The  Images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  Iceeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrsted  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate  Ail 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  Illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  Impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  Included  In  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  Illustrate  the 
method. 


Lee  Images  sulvantes  ont  iitS  reprodultes  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettet*  de  Texemplalre  film*,  et  en 
conformlt6  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exempialres  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  ImprlmAe  sont  filmte  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'impression  ou  d'lllustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exempialres 
originaux  sont  filmAs  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  emprelnte 
d'impression  ou  d'lilustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernlire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
emprelnte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivantt  apparaftra  sur  la 
dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  In  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fllmAs  A  des  taux  de  rAduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  fiimA  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'Images  nAcessalre.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
iiiustrent  la  mAthode. 


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SPEECH 


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OF 


MR.  LEAKE,  OF  VIRGINIA, 


ON    THE 


OREGON    QUESTION. 


BELl  VE  RED 


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IN    THE   HOUSE   OF    REPRESENTATIVES, 


FEBRUARY  3,    !846. 


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WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  AT  THE  UNION  OFFICE. 

1846. 


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SPEECH. 


.  LEAKE  rose,  and  oddrcssed  the  committee 

.Chairman:  1  am  '""  one  of  those  who  are 
?sed  to  regret  the  -acted  debate  which  the 

!ion  before  us  has  >...ited  in  this  House.  1  am 
5ie  of  those  who  believe  that  when  a  question 
e  magnitude  and  importance,  the  acknowledged 
rtance  of  this,  is  brought  up  for  consideration 
iccision,  the  debate  in  relation  to  its  merits  and 
>  conserjuences  which  may  result  from  it,  ought 
it  all  limited.  It  is  a  question  as  to  which  the 
!c  of  the  United  States  are  demanding  at  our 
is  the  fullest  and  most  thorough  investigation 
hour  minds  are  capable  of  bestowing  upon  it. 
ii  the  eyes  of  the  nation  are  turned  towards 
Jeliberations  here — when  all  classes  and  inter- 
ire  involved  in  the  consideration  and  decision  of 
question — I  say  it  behooves  the  American  Con- 
,  it  behooves  the  representatives  of  this  great 
Jeracy,  to  deliberate  well  and  to  consider  ma- 
/  before  they  come  to  a  decision  on  its  merits. 

IS,  indeed,  no  ordinary  que.^tion  that  we  are 
i  upon  to  decide.  It  is,  I  firmly  believe,  as  im- 
i!it  a  one  as  any  that  has  ever  engaged  the  atten- 
of  the  American  Congress  since  the  foundation 
'.e  government,  not  excepting  even  the  momen- 
declaration  o''  war,  and  the  deliberations  which 
eded  it,  in  181.  I  have  given  to  it  whatsoever 
itieration  my  fet  !e  powers  have  enabled  me  to 
1  have  investig  ted  it  as  maturely  as  I  could; 
such  are  the  impressions  and  such  the  conclu- 
at  which  my  mind  has  arrived. 

spirit  of  levity  unbecoming  this  body,  and  un- 
hy  of  the  occasion,  has  sometimes  manifested 

m  the  course  of  this  discussion.  And  I  could 
rejoice  had  no  matter  foreign  to  the  question 
extraneous  to  the  subject  under  consideration 

introduced,  so  that  1  might  be  at  liberty  to 
:h  directly  up  to  the  question,  as  is  my  wont, 
confine  my  attention,  and  the  attention  of  the 
mittee,  if  1  shall  be  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  it, 
asively  to  that  point.  But,  sir,  I  am  not  thus 
lerty.  For,  high  as  are  the  responsibilities  un- 
tfliich  I  acknowledge  myself  to  be  as  a  repre- 
tive  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States — 
as  is  the  duty  which  I  owe  to  this  great  confed- 
)'  of  States — yet  there  is  one  duty  even  higher 
more  sacred,  and  which  calls  were  loudly  upon 
or  at  least  a  passing  notice. 
he  State  which  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  rep- 
nt  on  this  floor,  has  been  again  <fcsailed  here  by 
wable  gentlemen  from  all  parts  of  the  hall.  Her 
esentatives  have  been  arraigned  in  a  body — not 
upon  a  separate  trail,  and  allowed  each  to  plead 
y  or  not  guilty  as  he  might  feel — by  gentlemen 
have  thought  proper  to  arraign  the  Common- 
th  of  Virginia;  and  to  send  intimations  abroad, 
:h  have  been  carried  on  the  wings  of  the  press 
I  one  end  of  the  Union  to  the  other,  that  the 
esentatives  of  that  State— those  to  whom  she 
confided  her  interests — are  false  to  their  duty 
to  their  country,  and  recreant  to  those  obliga- 
s  which  they  owe  to  their  constituents. 
lie  gentleman  from  Illinois,  [Mr.  Hoge,]  my 
A  near  me,  on  Friday  last,  I  believe,  took  occa- 


sion til  draw  a  contrast  between  what  he  wac 
pleased  to  term  the  ancient  and  modern  patriotism 
of  Virginia,  and  to  read  a  homily  as  to  what  were 
the  duties  of  her  democratic  member.^  here,  wit.'i  a 
view  to  show  that  we  who  are  the  accredited  or- 
gans of  that  State  do  not  speak  fairly  the  sentimenis 
of  the  people  whom  we  represent.  lie  read  also  an 
extract  from  a  speech  made  by  a  distinguished  gen- 
tleman, formerly  a  member  of  this  House,  to  show 
that  Virginia  had  departed  from  the  faith  of  her  fa- 
thers, and  that  we,  her  representatives,  were 
occupying  ground  not  only  at  war  with  the 
interests  of  the  country,  but  irreconcilable  with 
th«  ground  which  that  Commonwealth  had  her- 
self taken.  It  is  a  little  remarkable  that  whilst 
the  gentleman  was  reading  the  speech  of  Gov- 
ernor Floyd,  he  did  not  remember  (if,  inaced, 
he  had  ever  investigated  the  matter  sufficiently  to 
know)  that  the  position  which  that  distinguished 
gentleman  took,  (and  he  spoke  the  voice  of  Virgin- 
la,)  was  identical,  in  all  respects,  with  the  posiiion 
now.issumed  by  her  representaiives.  What  was 
it  ?  The  speech  was  made  in  1829,  two  years  after 
the  join:  convention  had  been  renewed,  subiect'to 
the  limitation  in  the  convention  of  1827,  to  be  ter- 
minated on  one  year's  noti  ^.  And  yet  that  distin- 
guished legislator  proposed  a  law  here  to  take  pos- 
session of  Oregon  without  giving  the  notice  required 
under  the  convention.  Me  proposed  a  stronger 
measure  than  the  representatives  of  Virginia  now 
propose,  although  v/e,  too,  have  one  mode  of  set- 
tling the  controversy  as  I  shall  presently  show.  He 
desired  to  erect  a  military  post  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  river  without  giving  the  notice;  and  the 
gentleman  from  Illinois,  if  his  position  is  correct, 
should  have  denounced  him,  as  well  as  us,  with  the 
intention  to  steal  the  territory  in  spite  of  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  people  who  in  fact  claim  it  as  their 
own.  I  say  to  the  gentleman  that,  in  judging  of 
what  belongs  to  the  patriotism  of  Virginia,  whether 
ancient  or  modern,  he  had  better  leave  her  repre- 
sentatives to  themselves.  They  are  fully  compe- 
tent to  judge.  We  are  responsible  to  that  State, 
not  to  the  State  which  the  gentleman  represents.  1 
trow,  sir,  that  the  gentleman  will  find  his  handa  fall 
in  settling  that  long  account  which  never  faiis  :o 
r«ii  up  against  a  representative  by  the  time  he 
reaches  home;  and  although  he  has  kindly  otibreJ 
to  take  charge  of  us,  my  word  for  it,  the  people  I 
represent  (and  I  believe  I  may  speak  for  the  wholo 
Commonwealth  of  Virginia)  will  not  thank  him  for 
his  interference. 

But,  sir,  this  is  not  all.  The  speech  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  Tennessee,  [Mr-  Johnson] — and  it 
will  be  remembered  that  we  had  here  yesterday  a 
beautiful  episode  arising  out  of  it — contained  a 
still  more  wanton  assault  upon  the  Old  Dominion. 
I  will  read  an  extract,  not  only  to  show  the  taste 
and  elegance  of  the  gentleman's  diction,  but  the 
character  of  the  charge  which  he  has  preferred  against 

U8. 

He  saye: 

"Why,  the  Old  Dominion— Ood  bless  her!— that  had  been 
in  the  shackles  of  conservatism  for  nc^eral  years  past — 
now,  when  she  had  free^l  herself,  as  they  had  hoped— wheu 
Mr.  Uives  had  been  dej'Osed  from  ollice  on  account  cf  kiu 


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couservativo  position— when  the  Old  Dominion  flood  erect, 
'roileemcd,  regenerated,  and  diaenthralled' from  the  fettera 
ofconservatiiim— that  her  statoimen  should  now  return 
'l.ke  a  sow  that  is  washed  to  hei  wallowinfi;  in  the  mire'— 
was  truly  a  thing  to  be  deprecated  by  ererj-  friend  of  hers, 
an'l  by  every  lover  of  his  country.  Now,  if  hit  information 
was  correct,  ten  to  four  of  her  politicians  had  relapsed  Into 
the  position  of  conservatism.  Now,  if  Mr.  Rives  was  in 
power,  he  would  undouI)t(!dly  stand  at  the  liead  of  the  rep- 
resentatives from  the  Old  Dominion,  leading  on  their  co- 
horts. But  the  people  of  the  Old  Dominion  would  yet  speak 
for  themselves;  their  voices  would  be  beard  from  the  west- 
ern mountains  to  the  Atlantic  coast,  proclaiming  in  thunder 
tones  our  right  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  up  to  84  degrees  40 
minutes." 

Did  the  gentleman  mean  to  intimate,  (contir/jcd 
Mr.  L.,)  in  this  grave  charge,  that  the  State  of  Vir- 
ginia, like  that  which  he  represents,  had  ever  dv 
EEirted  from  the  republican  faith,  here  or  else  when?.' 
)id  he  mean  to  insinuate  that  there  ever  had  been 
a  time  wh'jn  the  constitution  of  our  country  was 
endangered,  when  the  principles  of  the  repuolican 
party,  which  contain  in  themselves  the  true  exposi- 
tion of  that  constitution,  had  beei.  assailed,  when 
conservatism,  or  whigism  had  threatened  to  sweep 
away  the  great  landmarks  of  the  republican  policy 
— did  he  mean  to  say  that  the  time  had  ever  been 
when  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  had  fallen 
from  the  proud  position  she  has  always  occupied  in 
the  ranks  of  the  republican  party  ?  This  lecture 
comes  from  the  State  of  Tennessee.  Remember  it ! 
From  the  Stale  of  Tennessee!  And  the  eientlemun 
who  failed  to  set  his  own  household  in  order,  under- 
takes to  regulate  ours;  he  who  had  proved  inade- 
quate to  preserve  his  own  State,  to  raise  her 
up  from  tne  slough  into  which  she  had  fallen, 
undertakes  to  interfere  between  us  and  our  constitu- 
ents, and  to  tell  us  that  wc  have  departed  from  the 
faith  of  our  fathers.  I  say  to  him  that  when  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  like  Virginia,  shall  have  as- 
sumed the  proud  position  to  which  she  is  so  well 
entitled — when  she  shall  have  cast  off  the  slough  of 
federalism,  in  which  she  has  been  engulfed  for  some 
years  past — when  she  shall  have  proved  more  faith- 
ful to  lier  own  distinguished  .son  tluvM  Virginia  has 
done,  K  will  be  time  enough  for  him  to  lecture  us 
and  to  show  us  what  our  u     es  are. 

Sir,  I  have  not  come  heie  to  pass  any  eulogium 
on  the  Stale  which  I  m  part  represent.  But  smce 
she  has  been  thus  assailed,  and  an  eflbrt  deliberate- 
ly made  to  cast  a  blot  upon  her  hitherto  unsullied 
escutcheon,  since  she  has  been  accused,  arraigned, 
and  (if  the  testimony  of  the  accuser  is  to  be  taken) 
convicted,  I  have  felt  it  rny  duty  to  say  a  word  in 
her  vindication.  As  to  the  charge  against  inyself, 
(for  I  am  one  of  the  ten  representatives  of  Virginia 
on  this  floor  against  whom  it  is  brought;)  that  I  had 
relapsed  from  the  ancient  faith  of  my  State,  I  let  it 
pass  by  me  "as  the  idle  wind  that  I  regard  not;" 
but  I  felt  it  due  to  old  Virginia,  the  bulwark  of  the 
republican  party  now  and  heretofore,  to  set  her 
right  before  Congress  and  the  country. 

I  know  that  when  the  gentleman  from  Illinois  and 
others  told  us  that  we,  who  occupy  an  antago- 
nistic position  to  that  which  he  holds,  were  appeal- 
ing to  the  fears  of  the  people,  they  did  not  under- 
stand the  force  of  the  terms  which  they  used.  We 
appealing  to  the  fears  of  the  people.'  We  of  the 
South — of  Virginia  and  of  South  Carolina  in  par- 
ticular— to  be  accused  of  appealing  to  the  fears  of 
the  people!  If  we  had  made  such  an  appeal,  it  is 
one  that  would  have  fallen  as  upon  the  ears  of 
night,  which  could  not  be  responded  to,  because 
there  was  no  such  feeling  existing.    But  we  made 


no  appeal,  except  to  their  caution  and  prude 
We  did  not  attempt  to  excite  their  prejudice 
alarm  their  fears  by  warning  them  that  without 
cause  or  provocation  there  was  danger  to  their  ri 
or  their  interests. 

A  word  more  before  I  close  this  portion  of  my 
marks.  I  say  to  all  those  who  have  assailcii 
that  whilst  we  do  not  vauni  ourselves  on  our  ac 
ments,  yet,  when  thus  assailed,  I  must,  as  un 
her  representatives,  say  that  Virginia  has  r 
thought  it  necessary  to  erect  any  monuments  to 
iions;  and  it  is  not  our  boast,  aa  it  was  Justly 
boast  of  the  gentleman  from  Maryland  [Mr.  Gii 
the  other  day,  that  his  State  "gave  graves  to  het 
emies  and  monuments  to  hor  defenders."  We  n 
no  such  boast,  because  the  fame  of  our  Comi 
wealth  is  so  well  established  on  the  pages  of  ourh 
ry  that  it  requires  no  sculptured  marble  or  pyratii 
stone  to  commemorate  her  achievements,  or  to 
petuate  the  virtues  of  her  sons.  She  builds 
monuments  on  the  battle-field,  and  stamps  the 
ord  of  her  achievei  .ents  on  the  destinies  of  the 
tion. 

I  pass  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  another  mattci 
tremely  irrelevant  in  it.i  character,  and  which 
gret  to  be  compelled  to  refer  to.  1  speak  of  th 
tempt  which  is  made  here  to  read  out  of  the  di 
cratic  church  all  who  do  not  agree  in  the  proprit 
giving  this  notice,  and  to  the  repeated  allusion 
that  connexion,  to  the  Baltimore  convention 
its  action.  1  say  I  regret  that  any  allusion  has 
made  on  this  floor  to  a  mere  party  convenli 
whether  held  by  whigs  or  democrats.  The 
has  yet  to  come  when  caucus  machinery  shall 
trol  the  action  of  the  federal  government.  The 
has  yet  to  come  when  the  dictates  of  a  convei 
shall  be  regarded  as  law  by  an  American  Conj 
And  I,  for  one,  do  not  hesitate  to  say  to  this  H 
and  through  this  House  to  the  country,  that  1 
not  what  may  be  the  dictates  of  party,  unless 
meet  the  approbation  of  my  conscience  I  wi! 
bow  down  to  them.  No  consideration  shall  lis 
me  to  surrender  the  rights  and  interests  of  my 
stituents,  or  to  sacrifice  one  tittle  of  the  hoiio; 
true  glory  of  the  nation,  because  the  parly 
which  it  is  my  pride  to  act,  and  with  which  I 
I  ever  shall  act,  may  think  proper  to  lay  do 
different  rule  of  action. 

But  what  was  the  decision  of  the  Baltimore 
vention.'  Did  that  make  Oregon  a  party  que: 
A  certain  running  resolution  asserted  our  rigli 
Oregon.  Nothing  was  said  about  a  notice, 
convention  did  not  require  anyone  of  the  i! 
cratic  party  to  give  that  notice.  It  was  an  ab 
declaration  of  our  right  to  Oregon,  in  which  1 
concur,  and  which  I  expect  to  carry  out  by  m 
tion  on  this  floor,  either  at  this  session,  or  at 
subsequent  time,  if  I  should  have  the  honoi 
seat  here.  IsMhis  a  party  question?  My 
and  colleague7[Mr.  Pendletok,]  the  "lone  sU 
whigism  from  the  State  of  Virginia,  has  falle 
some  error.  In  the  fierce  vehemence  of  his  di 
ciation,  he  has  given  a  party  aspect  to  the  i 
unworthy  of  the  occasion,  and  unworthy 
position  as  a  representative  here.  I  am  not 
to  enter  into  the  history  of  the  Baltimore  co 
tion,  nor  to  reply  to  the  hits  of  my  colleague  a 
that  convention.  It  is  tpie,  he  told  us  that  th« 
vention  had  brought  forth,  rather  suddenly,! 
tain  distinguished  individual;  that  the  heteroge 
elements  of  which  the  democratic  party  was 
posed  must  insure  ita  speedy  dissolution;  a 


ir  caution  and  prude 
Rxcite  their  prejudic?: 
ng  them  that  without 
was  danger  to  their  ri< 

osethis  portion  of  niy 
so  who  have  assailrd 
i  ourselves  on  our  ac 
ailed,  I  must,  aa  urn 
that  Virginia  haa  m 
:ct  any  monuments  to 
ist,  as  it  wae  justly 
m  Maryland  [Mr,  Gii 
e  "gave  gruves  to  hei 
lOr  defendera."  We 

fame  of  our  Coirit 
d  on  the  pages  of  ourh 
ured  marble  or  pyrani 

achievements,  or  to 
ler  sons.  She  builds 
ield,  and  stamps  the 
n  the  destinies  of  the 

tian,  to  anathcr  matiei 
character,  and  which 
;fer  to.  I  speak  of  th 
to  read  out  of  the  di 
ot  agree  in  the  proprie 
the  repeated  allusion 
Baltimore  convention 
hat  any  allusion  has 
(lere  party  conventi 
or  democrats.  The 
icus  machinery  shall 
■al  government.  The 
8  dictates  of  a  convei 
)y  an  American  Conj 
itate  to  say  to  this  H 

0  the  country,  that 
ates  of  party,  unless 
my  conscience  1  wil 
consideration  shall  ii; 

1  and  interests  of  my 
ne  tittle  of  the  hoiioi 

because  the  parly 
ict,  and  with  which  I 
nk  proper  to  lay  do 

on  of  the  Baltimore 
Oregon  a  oarty  ques 
ion  asserted  our  rigli 
aid  about  a  notice, 
ire  any  one  of  thed 
lotice.  It  was  an 
)  Oregon,  in  which  1 
ct  to  carry  out  by  m 
U  this  session,  or  at 
uld  have  the  honoi 
rty  question.'  My 
LETOK,]  the  "lone  stj 
f  Virginia,  has  falle 
!  vehemence  of  his  di 
)arty  aspect  to  the  li 
»n,  and  unworthy 
ve  hete.  I  am  not 
of  the  Baltimore  co 
its  of  my  colleague  a 
le,  he  told  us  that  tha 
I,  rather  suddenly,! 
ual;  that  the  heteroge 
;mocratic  party  was 
peedy  dissolution; 


hifl  imagmation,  he  was  contcmplaliijg  the  proppcct 
of  that  brilliant  party  with  which  he  haa,  ft>r  at 
i«ast  ten  years,  been  associated,  gaining  ascendency 
in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  ond  of  our  own  State. 
I  cannot  but  tkink,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  he  had,  in 
his  imagination,  gone  back  to  the  scenes  of  the  ex- 
tra session  of  1841,  when  a  party,  flushed  with  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  triumphs  that  had  ever  been 
achieved,  came  here  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  ex- 

i)eri«ient;  and,  in  the  short  space  of  six  weeks,  (a 
eas  time  than  would  be  rer|uired,  in  the  e.stimation 
of  the  gentleman  from  Michigan,  [Mr.  Chipman,] 
to  take  Canada,)  dissolved  into  its  original  elements, 
and  was  scattered  to  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  nev- 
er more  to  be  gathered  together. 

But  is  this  a  party  question.'  If  the  Baltimore 
convention  so  settled  it,  then  1  charge  upon  the  dem- 
ocratic party  here  that  they  have  proved  recreant  to 
their  duty,  and  false  to  the  instructions  they  have 
received.  1  say,  if  it  is  a  party  ouestion,  it  is  un- 
doubtedly true  that  they  have  violated  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  democratic  party.  Do  you  not  remem- 
ber, sir,  that  at  the  last  session,  the  proposal  to 
give  this  notice  was  under  consideration.'  I  was 
submitted  in  an  independent  form.  It  wax  pro- 
posed to  be  incorporated  in  a  bill  then  befoi*  the 
House.  And  what  was  the  vote.'  Of  the  82  mem- 
i»ers  who  voted  in  the  negative,  79  were  dem- 
ocrats, and  3  only  whis;.^;  while,  of  the  120  who 
voted  in  the  atfirmative,  (il  were  wliigs  and  53  dem- 
ocrats. And  this,  too,  at  the  session  which  imme- 
diately followed  the  Baltimore  convention,  and  after 
the  election  of  Mr.  Polk.  But  one  brief  year  ago, 
then,  we  find  the  democratic  party  on  this  floor  re- 
pudiating the  very  issue  which  gentlemen  now  say 
was  made  by  that  convention,  and  decided  by  the 
people  in  that  contest.  Sir,  if  it  is  a  party  question 
now,  it  was  so  then.  If  there  is  now  any.obiiira- 
tion  on  the  democracy  here  to  vote  for  this  notice, 
that  obligation  was  equally  strong  upon  them  at  the 
lust  Kession.  And  gentlemen  who  taunt  us  with 
A  departure  from  the  household  faith  on  this  ques- 
tion, do  but  pass  the  heaviest  censure  upon  them- 
selves. The  gentleman  from  Indiana  in  my  eye, 
[Mr.  Kf.nnedy,]  who  made  u  most  amusing,  ns 
well  as  an  argumentative  speech  on  this  question, 
voted  at  the  last  session  against  the  notice. 

Mr.  Kevnedy  explained.  He  said  that,  as  he 
presumed  it  was  not  the  desire  of  his  friend  from 
Virginia  to  misrepresent  him  on  this  subject,  he 
would  beg  leave  to  state,  that  he  had  at  no  time  du- 
ring the  last  session  voted  against  giving  this  no- 
tic«;  but  on  the  contrary,  in  all  possible  ways  he 
had  voted  for  it.  He  had  concurred  wi^  his  col- 
league [Mr.  OwenI  in  its  introduction  aa  an  inde- 
pendent proposition;  and  after  it  was  connected 
with  a  separate  and  different  proposition,  he  had 
voted  for  them  both  together.  It  was  true  that  he 
had  voted  against  cminecling  these  separate  and  dis- 
tir\ct  propositions  in  one  bill;  and  one  of  the 
4itrongest  objections  he  had  against  this  connexion, 
was  the  fact  that  it  might  defeat  the  final  passage  of 
this  very  notice,  and  possibly  endanger  both  meas- 
■ures. 

This  was  his  position,  and  he  understood  it  to 
be  the  position  of  nearly  all,  if  not  all,  of  those  who 
voted  with  him  on  that  occasion. 

Mr.  Leake  continued.  These  episodes,  Mr. 
■chairman,  are  not  very  convenient  or  agreeable; 
particularly  under  the  one-hour  rule.  I  only  state 
a  fact  which  ihe  journal  proves.  And  I  as.°ert  that 
of  those  distinguished  orators    of  the   democratic 


piirly  who  have  spoken  this  scKsion  in  favor  of  the 
notice,  all,  with  the  exception  of  five  or  six,  voted 
u  the  last  session  against  it.  The  gentleman  from 
Mississippi  [Mr.  Tiiompkon]  undertook  yesterday  to 
explain  away  his  vote.  And  almost  every  dem- 
ocrat who  now  charges  us  with  a  departure  from 
the  household  faith,  because  we  will  not  go  for  the 
notice,  themselves  voted  against  it  twelve  months 

But  I  refer  to  another  consideration.  If  this  be  a 
party  question,  then  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the 
democratic  party  is  now  di.  solved,  and  tliat  there 
must  be  a  new  formation  of  parties.  If  to  oppose 
the  notice  makes  a  man  no  democrat,  then  to  sup- 
port the  notice  is,  of  course,  to  make  a  democrat  of 
the  first  water.  And  if  you  apply  the  test  of  my 
colleague,  who  spoke  several  days  ago,  [Mr.  Bay- 
ly,] the  distinguished  gentleman  from  Massa- 
chusetts, [Mr.  Adams,]  the  gentleman  from  Ohio, 
[Mr.  GiPDiNGS,]  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania, 
[Mr.  Pollock,]  the  gentleman  from  Alabama,  [Mr. 
HiLLunu,  the  "lone  star"  from  that  State,]  and 
some  dozen  other  whigs,  are  now  democrats  of  the 
first  water;  whilst  we,  who  bore  the  burden  and 
heat  of  the  day,  when,  in  the  memorable  contest  of 
1844,  the  principles  of  the  republican  parfy  were 
staked  "upon  the  cast  of  the  die;"  we  who  were 
foimd  in  the  breach,  eye  to  eye  and  front  to  front 
with  the  whigs,  and  who  contributed  somewhat  to 
the  splendid  victory  which  then  crowned  our  efforts, 
are  now  to  be  denounced  ns  traitors  to  the  dcmo- 
crnlic  \mriy  and  its  principles.  Sir,  if  I  believed 
that  the  distinguished  muir  who  now  fills  the  presi- 
dential chair  with  so  much  honor  to  the  country— 
that  man  of  whom  I  can  proudly  say  that  I  confide 
in  him  as  fully  as  I  would  in  any  man  that  ever  held 
that  exalted  station — if,  I  say,  he  could  give  coun- 
tenance to  these  assaults  upon  a  portion  of  his  beat 
friends,  simply  because  they  could  not  concur  with 
him  in  a  question  of  mere  expediency  involving  no 
political  principle  whatever,  I  should  hold  him  un- 
worthy of  the  station. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  not  yet  referred  t  the 
question  before  the  committee.  I  have  felt  it  my 
tiuty  to  place  my  self  right  before  the  people  whom  i 
represent,  and  to  say  a  few  words  in  vindication  of 
those  of  my  colleagues  who  occupy  the  same  posi- 
tion. 

I  must  confess,  and  the  remark  comes  in  patly 
here,  that  I  have  seen  enough  in  the  discussion  in 
this  House,  and  of  the  action  of  certain  individuals, 
to  excite  the  fears  of  a  novice  like  myself.  I  have 
seen  enough  to  have  caused  me,  had  I  been  an  ad- 
vocate for  this  notice,  (which  I  was  not,)  to  pause 
and  deliberate  before  taking  a  step  so  fatal  and  ir- 
revocable. What  have  we  seen  here?  We  are  told 
that  this  is  a  party  question.  1  congratulate  gentle- 
men, then,  on  their  new  allies.  I  have  seen  the 
veteran  federalism  of  Massachusetts,  the  wild,  reck- 
less, and  impudent  fanaticism  of  all  the  non- 
slaveholding  States,  (which  finds  its  appropriate 
representative  even  on  this  floor,)  and  the  high  and 
generous  chivalry  of  the  West,  shaking  hands  in 
strange  and  unnatural  concord  over  this  most  por- 
tentous proposition.  I  have  seen  abolitionists  and 
federalists,  tarifl!*  men,  bank  men,  and  internal  im- 
provement men,  all  meeting  and  acting  in  harmoni- 
ous concert  upon  what  they  say  in  a  democratic 
question.  Sir,  if  these  are  the  emblems  of  democ- 
racy, I  am  not  a  democrat.  But  they  are  not  so. 
And  gentlemen  who  undertake  to  arraign  us,  know 
full  well  that  the  test  is  no  test  at  all. 


ri 


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1 1 


Wlien  I  wns  elected  to  represent  tlic  fifth  ron- 
preasionnl  iliKtrict,  of  Virginia,  I  was  nlfctnl  by  n 
people  who  had  cvfr  held  their  rcprescntntivcH  ex- 
clusively respnnsible  to  thcmselveB.  Tlie  charter  un- 
der winch  I  hold  my  sent  hire,  comes  from  tiie 
fieopic  of  Viijjiiiiii,  or  n  poriion  of  them;  nnd  wiiilst 
I  hiive  pvcry  rcmlidence  in  the  incumbf-.it  of  the  [ireHi- 
diiitial  chnir — whilst  /  hnve  every  coildenfe  in  my 
brethren  of  the  democratic  pnrty — and  \vhil^^t  I  nm 
t'tttrmined  to  continue  by  connexion  with  that  piir- 
ty  (grappled  to  it  as  I  ntn  with  hooks  of  principle) 
through  all  time  to  come;  yet  I  look  neither  to  the 
White  flonsc,  nor  to  members  licre,  nortopMrty 
dict.-.tion  out  ofdoora,  ns  to  what  1  sliall  do.  I  Hhull 
fjo  iiome  to  my  people;  to  them  I  shall  give  a  full 
•■xpianatinn  of  my  course  here;  and  lam  content  to 
iiijideby  their  veriliet;  and  neither  the  gentleman  from 
Illinois,  [Mr.  Booe.]  nor  the  a;entleinan  from  Ten- 
nessee,  [Mr.  JoiiNso.v.JehnU  be  permitted  to  step  in 
herween  us. 

1  proceed  now,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  notice  a  few  of 
the  considerations  which  will  guide  my  action  on 
this  question  of  notice.  And  I  beg  leave,  at  the  out- 
Met,  to  observe  that  1  shall  not  go  into  a  discussion 
of  theftncrits  of  our  title  to  Oregon,  or  iuto  an  ex- 
amination of  its  merits  as  compared  with  that  of 
Great  Britain.  The  mutter  has  been  so  fully  discus- 
sed and  elaborated  here,  and  in  the  able  exposition 
of  our  two  Secretaries  of  State,  Mr.  Calhoun  and 
Mr.  Buchanan,  that  it  would  be  a  work  of  superer- 
ogation to  attempt  to  throw  any  new  light  upon  it. 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that  I  liold  the  American  title  to  be 
clear  and  unt^uestionablc  up  to  49°  and-a-half.  I  hold 
our  title  agamst  England  as  good  to  54°  40';  but  I 
canno'  hold,  with  the  chairman  ofth?  Committee  on 
Territories,  [Mr.  Douglass,]  that  we  may  go  up  to 
the  Arctic  circle.  Believing  this,  I  shall  pursue  that 
course  which  1  believe  best  calculated  to  secure  our 
rights  to  the  \vhole  country,  and  to  bring  this  contro- 
versy to  an  amicable  settlement. 

What,  then,  is  rh*'  "uestion  for  u.i  to  decide.'  So 
far  it  has  been  c  exclusively  to  the  propriety 

of  giving  or  not  j  this  notice;   but  tlie  fact  is 

that  the  propos' .iv>i'.  .ogive  this  notice  is  one  of  the 
least  considerations  connected  with  the  question. 

Whatdo  gentlemen  mean  when  they  say  thntycu 
are  to  give  this  notice,  and  that  it  is  a.'i  amicable 
measure .' 

If  you  do  no  more  than  give  the  notice,  I  asrree 
that  there  could  not  possibly  be  any  danger  to  the 
jitace  of  the  country.  But  that  is  tlis  !i;ast  part  of 
It.  Your  notice  means  something  mnro  than  mere 
notice,  or  it  means  nothing  at  all;  you  contemplate 
srong  ulterior  action,  to  give  it  force  nnd  vitality; 
otherwise  you  are  merely  acting  the  part  of  a  l)rava- 
do.  You  say  that  the  joint  occupancy  shail  tenni- 
nate  in  twelve  months  fiom  the  date  of  the  notice; 
but  you  also  tell  Great  Britain,  by  inevitable  impli- 
cation, that  you  mean  to  take  steps  to  enforce  your 
title.  Is  not  this  so .'  Must  it  not  be  inevitably  so  .' 
It  is  an  axiom— a  truth  that,  merely  stated,  proves 
itself. 

Suppose  that  at  the  end  of  the  twelve  months 
this  controversy  shall  remain  open  and  unadjusted, 
nnd  that  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  should 
have  been  unable  (and  I  believe  this  notice  to  be  an 
insuperable  barrier  in  the  way)  to  adjust  it  by  ne- 
gotiation: what,  then,  will  you  do.'  In  the  first 
place,  you  v/ill  announce  to  Great  Britain  that  the 
notice  having  been  duly  given,  and  believing  our  title 
to  be  clear  and  unquestionable,  you  are  determined  to 
lake  such  measures  as  may  be  requisite  to  enforce 


■:| 


that  title,  and  to  take  pogsession.  Is  this  peace 
Is  this  calculated  to  secure  an  amicable  adjustmentof 
thedifficulty  ?  On  the  contrary,  1  repeat  tli;it,  in 
my  judgment,  it  is  a  declaration  of  war  in  embryo. 
It  is  saying  to  Great  Britain  that  at  the  exfiiration  oi' 
the  twelve  months,  we  will  take  the  country  by 
force. 

I  shall  n«t  imdertake  to  enter  into  a  disquisition 
upon  the  relative  power  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  St<ites.  i  know  the  force,  the  mighty  and 
irrepressible  energy  of  this  nation;  and  I  do  not  fear 
a  contest  with  Great  Britain,  or  any  other  power, 
But  when  gentlemen  undertake  to  tell  us  of  the 
ease  with  which  we  can  overrun  Great  Britain  and 
her  dependencies — at  all  events  on  this  continent — 
it  seems  to  me  that  they  are  going  to  war  without 
counting  the  cost.  Gentlemen  say  that  this  is  a 
peaceful  measure.  I  say  that  the  speeches  of  gen- 
tlemen look  to  it  as  a  war  measure.  If  there  beno 
spirit  of  war  in  it,  if  gentlemen  who  advocated  the 
notice  do  not  believe  that  it  will  lead  to  war,  whence 
these  bsautiful  apostrophes  to  the  American  eagle, 
nnd  indignant  philippics  against  the  British  lion? 
Whence  the  eloquent  appeals  to  the  patriotism  and 
the  anli-F.nglish  feelings  of  the  American  people, 
or  these  fiery  deunciations  of  the  arrogance  of  Brit- 
ish power.'  Are  these  the  elements  of  peace,  or  its 
signs  and  emblems.' 

We  have  seen  gentlemen  indulging  in  fierce  de- 
nunciations of  the  power  of  Great  Britain;  we  have 
heard  them  speak  of  the  ease  with  which  we  could 
overrun  her  and  conquer  her  dependencies.  A  gentle- 
man from  Missouri,  [Mr.  Sims,]  who  made  an  elo- 
quent speech  here,  undertook  to  tell  us,  that  with  no 
olhe."  weapon  than  the  ox-poles  of  his  wagon  dri- 
vers we  could  conquer  the  territory  and  drive  the 
British  out.  The  gentleman  from  Michigan,  [Mr. 
Chu'Man,]  in  the  intensity  of  his  zeal,  took  occasion 
to  tell  us  that  his  people  could  go  over  into  Canada, 
and  in  ninety  days  annex  it  as  an  appendage  to  the 
State  which  lie  represents.  And  the  gentleman  from 
Indiana,  [Mr.  Kennedy,]  finding  that  these  two  gen- 
tlemen had  anticipated  him  in  the  conquest  of  the 
whole  country — having  no  world  for  himself  to 
conquer — but  meeting  tlie  British  lion  in  his  path, 
very  coolly  takes  him  by  the  beard,  and  throws 
him  across  the  Atlantic,  where  ho  is  now,  doubtless, 
crouching  in  some  of  the  secret  recesses  of  the  Tow- 
er of  London,  afraid  to  show  his  beard  again  on  this 
side  of  the  great  water.  Are  these,  I  ask,  the  em- 
blems of  pepf-e.'  I  say  that  the  rapidity  of  their  con- 
quests finds  no  parallel,  unless  it  be  that  recorded  in 
the  pages  of  sacred  history,  where  the  walls  of  Jer- 
icho vfetfi  overthrown  simply  by  the  blowing  of 
rams'  horns.  And  gentlemen  seem  to  think  that 
they  can  conquer  Great  Britain  by  a  process  as 
simnle  and  as  easy.  Why,  Mr.  Chairman,  Cajsar, 
in  the  height  of  his  power  and  the  pride  of  his  glory, 
could  conquer  almost  with  the  rapidity  of  the  light- 
ning's stroke;  but  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  first 
come  and  see  before  he  could  overcome.  Napoleon,  al- 
most by  the  magic  of  his  name,  overran  many  of  the 
mightiest  monarchies  of  Europe,  but  he  was  backed 
by  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  finest  troops  the 
world  ever  saw.  But  the  ancient  glory  of  the  one, 
and  the  greener  and  just  as  imperishable  laurels  of 
tiie  other,  have  been  far  surpassed  by  the  wordy  he- 
roes who  have  figured  in  this  brilliant  campaign;  and 
I  have  seen  no  parallel  to  the  achievements  of  gentle- 
men on  this  floor,  except  in  the  conquest  of  Jeri- 
cho, or  in  the  classic  pages  of  Shakspeare.  We  are 
told  that  in  the  time  of  Henry  IV,  certain  iiot  spirits 


said 


)n.  Is  this  peace 
icable  adiu.stmentof 
1  repettt  that,  irt 
ol"  war  in  embryo, 
at  the  ex[>iraii(in  of 
ie  the  country   by 

into  a  (lisqiiisition 
vt  Uritnin  and  the 
e,  tlie  miijlity  and 
i;  and  I  do  not  ftiar 

any  oilier  power. 
5  to  tell  na  of  the 
n  Great  Britain  and 
r>n  thia  continent — 
ing  to  war  without 
say  tlmt  thia  i.s  a 
!ie  speeches  of  gen- 
iire.     If  there  be  no 

who  advocated  the 
Bad  to  war,  whence 
le  American  eagle, 
8t  the  Briliah  lion.' 

the  patriotism  and 

American  people, 
e  arrogance  of  Brit- 
nts  of  pence,  or  its 

Hiding  in  fierce  de- 
it  Britain;  we  have 
ith  which  we  could 
indencics.  Agentle- 
who  made  an  elo- 
tell  us,  tliat  with  no 
of  hi3  wagon  dri- 
ory  and  drive  the 
im  Michig;an,  [Mr. 
zeal,  took  occasion 
)  over  into  Canada, 
n  appendage  to  the 
the  gentleman  from 
that  these  two  gen- 
the  conquest  of  the 
rid  for  himself  to 
lion  in   his  path, 
leard,  and   throws 
is  now,  doubtless, 
?cssses  of  the  Tow- 
bearJ  again  on  this 
se,  I  ask,  the  em- 
3idity  of  their  con- 
36  that  recorded  in 
re  the  walks  of  Jer- 
»y  the   blowing  of 
seem  to  think  that 
by  a  process  as 
Chairman,  Ctesar, 
pride  of  his  glory, 
)idity  of  the  light- 
that  he  should  first 
omt.  Napoleon,  al- 
irerran  many  of  the 
but  he  was  backed 
e  finest  troops  the 
t  glory  of  the  one, 
rishable  laurels  of 
by  the  wordy  he- 
ant  campaign;  and 
vements  of  gentle- 
eonquest  of  Jeri- 
kspeare.    We  are 
certain  liot  spirits 


assembled  in  the  quiet  recesses  of  the  mountains  of 
Wales,  and  very  coolly  proceeded  to  dethrone  the 
reigning  monarch,  and  to  parcel  out  hia  dominions 
ifliong  themielvcs. 

To  so  great  an  exactness  did  they  carry  thin 
imaginary  conquest,  that  they  "cavilled  about  the 
ninth  part  of  a  liair."  But  two  houni  of  time  "by 
Shrewsbury  clock"  sufficed  to  show  the  futility  of 
tiicir  calculation.  And  I  tell  gentlemen  here,  tnnt, 
wimtcver  fancies  they  may  think  proper  to  indulge 
in,  however  easy  in  the  distance  the  conquest  of 
Great  Britain  may  appear,  something  more  than 
bluster,  something  more  effectual  than  words,  will 
be  required  to  accomplish  the  object. 

There  is  another  consideration,  Mr.  Chairman, 
which,  to  my  mind,  presents  a  conclusive  objection 
lo  this  notice.  When  tny  friend  from  Illinoia,  [Mr. 
HoGE,]  and  the  gentleman  from  Tennessee,  [Mr. 
JouNsoN,]  who  have  l)een  hunting  in  pairs  against 
Virginia,  were  assailing  us  for  the  want  of  democ- 
racy on  this  question,  I  could  not  but  remember 
the  surprise  with  which  I  had  seen  them  sit  coolly 
by,  antl  hear  the  most  monstrous  foliacies  udvunctd 
on  this  floor,  (on  the  part  of  democrats,  too,)  yet 
fold  tlieir  arms  in  inglorious  apathy,  and  not  rebuke 
them  for  their  want  of  consistency  with  the  princi- 
ples declared  by  the  Baltimore  convention.  Was 
ihc  Oregon  question  the  only  question  embraced  in 
the  resolutions  of  that  convention*  Was  nothing 
said  about  the  tariff.'  Was  nothing  said  of  other 
great  issues.'  Of  internal  improvemcriis.'  When  I 
heard  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania,  [Mr. 
Thompson,]  in  the  course  of  the  facetious  speech 
he  made  here  the  other  day,  declaring  himself  in 
favor  of  Oregon,  end  at  the  same  time  boldly  an- 
nouncing that  the  tariff  would  remain  untouched,  I 
wondered  that  some  of  these  fiery  members  fi  oni 
the  West  did  not  read  him  a  lecture  for  his  non-con- 
formity to  one  of  the  fundamental  articles  of  the 
democratic  ereed.  But,  to  my  surprise,  they  regard 
that  gentleman  as  one  of  the  best  democrats  on  tliis 
floor,  whilst  I  aiin  one  of  the  worst.  Strange,  that 
gentlemen  who  advocate  the  most  monstrous  error 
that  has  ever  exhibited  itself  in  our  government, 
should  be  permitted  to  hold  liieir  places  in  the  dem- 
ocratic party,  whilst  I  and  my  colleagues  are  to  be 
read  out  of  it  because  we  do  not  concur  in  a  mere 
question  of  expediency.  That,  too,  wes  a  question 
settled  by  the  contest  of  1844.  The  people  settled  it. 
That  contest,  however,  was  but  "the  war  of  the  rev- 
olution— that  of  independence  is  yet  to  come,"  and  it 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  we  can  consummate  it. 

What  is  the  state  of  the  relations  between  this 
country  and  Great  Britain  ?  We  have  now  ascer- 
tained that,  if  a  proper  line  of  policy  shall  be  pur- 
sued between  the  two  countries — if  the  amicable  re- 
lations heretofore  existing  between  them  ghall  be 
cultivated-«-the  result  must  be  in  a  shorktime  to 
draw  the  commercial  ties  that  bind  us  totrcth- 
er  more  closely,  and  in  a  manner  that  will  re- 
dound equally  to  the  interests  and  the  honor  of 
both  nations. 

Much  has  been  said  about  the  restrictive  policy 
of  England — a  policy  which  is  unworthy  of  tlie  en- 

ightened  age  in  which  ^t  live.  But  now,  when  we 
have  assurance  almorjt  doubly  sure,  that  if  the  gov- 
ernntent  of  England  50  on  in  the  line  of  policy 
which  she  has  marked  out,  that  system  of  restrk- 
tio«  is  to  be  relaxed,  is  it  not  madness  to  interpose 
any  obstacle  in  the  way  ?  Within  two  years  a  mc- 
terial  modification  of  ner  tariiT  system  has    been 


made.     Her  restrictions  upon  the 


provision 


trade 


have  been  niateiially  lightened,  and  wo  have  now 
nn  almost  certain  prospect  of  the  unconditional  and 
total  repnil  of  her  corn-laws.  These  things  arc  but 
the  loniniemeracnt  of  a  grf  at  and  glorious  reform; 
and  when  the  people  of  Kngland  shidl  have  been 
once  be^'un  to  feel  the  benetits  of  free  trade  in  one 
respect,  ihey  will  demand  it  in  all.  We  have  or- 
cerlained  that  even  Sir  Robert  Peel,  the  organ  and 
tlie  spokesmon  of  the  rtlern  and  hitherto  unyidding 
tory  interest  of  England,  has  been  compelled  to  bow 
before  the  advancing  spirit  of  the  age — of  freedom 
of  trade  and  freedom  of  thought.  On  our  own  .side 
ofthewatern  similar  state  of  things  exist.-?.  Our 
people  have  awakened  to  the  importance  of  iho  sub- 
ject; and  if  the  canvass  of  1844  derided  anything,  it 
deridcil  that  these  advances  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain  fihould  hornet  in  a  corresponding  spirit  here. 
Anil  in  n  few  years,  if  this  spirit  is  rultivatrd,  it  will 
prove  ofinrakMilahle  benefit  10  ihe  people  whom  we 
all  represent.  No  man  can  estimate  the  advantuges 
to  accrue  to  the  agricultural  interests,  nnd  in  fact  to 
all  class,!  s  of  our  people,  from  a  system  of  perfect 
reciprocity  of  trade  between  us  and  Ihe  nations  of 
Europe.  Is  not  tlii.s  glorious  prosjiect  ciul;ingercd 
by  'lie  notice'  I  advened  sometime  since  to  the 
fart  th.Tt  gentlemen  who  aU'  ocate  the  notice  con- 
sider it  a  war  measure,  and  aiiiong.^t  this  number, 
Mr.  (lIliniriTuin,  i«  yourself;  for  the  anien(li,icnt  you 
have  propofied  indicates  as  plainly  as  that  two  and 
two  make  four,  the  fears  you  enteitnin  that  war  is 
to  grow  o\it  of  it.  The  second  section  of  your  bill 
reads  as  follows  : 

Skc  ■!.  Jlnil  ht  it  fv.vt'iri-  rexolviil.  That  tlip  I'lcsidont  of 
tlie  Lnitcil  St.iti!.<  i-  horctiv  iiuthoii/;-il  to  repc!  any  ami  all 
Regressions  uj'Oii  thu  cou'inerre  uf  llic  I'nilfd  blates;  (0  ic- 
sist  any  nttempt  wliirli  muy  I;u  iiiuno  to  cxcirise  fxcliit.i\<! 
iiiriMlluliDii  oviT  niiy  I'nit  of  lliu  Iciiiloiy  claimed  liy  the 
l.iiiti'J  htates,  and  to  leiu-l  invasions  oftlii.'  same;  and  lor 
tlast;  i)ur])0?e.<  to  employ  such  jiortions  of  the  mililia  of  tlu; 
fnitiid  Slnti"<  MS  he.n'ny  ueen\  fulvisBlile,  BpreeHbly  lo  the 
provisions  of  the  secoiiil  and  third  .sectionr,  of  an  net  i  iititled 
'•j^n  act  !j;ivini;  10  th^;  Presidrnl  ol  the  I'nited  t-lntes  uiidi- 
tion-il  poweisfor  the  defence  oftl.e-  United  States,  m  ceitaiu 
oa'ics,  rinain»t  i  vs.-^ion.  nn<l  lor  oll.or  pur}  ores,"  »i>provecl 
the  third  of  .Mnrch  vighteenhundiudand  tl...<y.i;iiie;  lo  ac- 
cej)t  the  sen  ices  of  any  nimiher  of  volunteers,  not  cxceed- 
ini?  thousand,  to  spive  ourini;  the  vm',  or  lor 

any  less  j)eriol,  in  the  manner  provided  for  by  uu  ;icl  enti- 
t!eil  "An  act  unlhorizing  the  PntiJent  of  the  l.'nited  States 
to  accept  the  servicei!  of  vohinlter.s.  am!  to  rpisc  an  addi- 
tional reifiment  of  dragoons  ormoiinted  reiflmeii,'' approved 
the  twenly-third  of  May,  eighteen  hundred  and  tholy  si\; 
to  employ  the  regular  military  force  of  the  I'luled  States, 
and  to  expand  and  i.ncrease  the  same  to  any  numtier  i.ot  ex- 
ceeding thousand  men;  to  complete 
the  jiiililio  armeil  vr<?els  now  authori.'.ed  by  law,  iijid  to 
epiiip.  man.  and  emi)l>\v  in  aclimi  service  oil  the  naval  force 
if  t!ie  I'nited  Stati-s,  and  to  bnild,  pnrrh,".se,  or  charter,  arm, 
equip,  and  man,  such  vessels  and  .steamhoats  m  he  shall 
deem  necessaiy  for  the  pui  poses  afoicsaid. 

And  again  it  provides:  ' 

SfcOs  3.  ^■hid  liH  it  fiTthn-  ypsn!iei!.  Th.nt  the;  mm  of 

million'?  of  dollars  is  hereliyappiopiiuted  and 
place.!  a^the  disi)oiial  of  the  rreslder.l  of  the  Unit.-;*'  Statcf;, 
for  the  jvurpose  of  executing  the  proviRions  aforesaid;  to  ])ro- 
vi  le  for  which,  the  l^erretiiry  of  Ihi;  Treasury  is  authorized 
to  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  nnd  to 
cause  cerii!io:iti'!i  to  be  issued  therefor,  atcrei'abl)  to  the 
provisions  of  the  lU'ih  section  of  the  act  afore.'^aid,  npiroved 
March  third,  ei^-hteen  hundred  and  thirty-ijine. 

Now,  (Continued  Mr.  L.,)  I  ask,  if  you  give  the 
notice,  liave  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  not  put  it  on  tie 
ground  that  this  liou.so  wi';l  be  obliged  to  put  it  01:  ? 
And  I  do  nothefiitate  to  soy  that  if  this  unqu<\lified 
notice  shall  be  given,  1  shall  be  prepared  (I  do  not 
wy  to  vote  for  so  strong  a  bill  as  thi:;)  but  to  arm 
tlie  nation,  in  order  that  It  may  be  in  a  condition  to 
repel  aggrc5;.sion,  .-^nd  to  enforce  the  declaration  it 
will  have  nude.     For  if  we  once  got  into   v.-ar,  or 


\ 


I 
■| 

% 

■I' 

'^ 
7 


•^ 


f-i 


}■ 


h 

til 

f\  t 


II 


to  me  It  is  tne  noolest  reflection  in 
waste," 


oil  Ml    piu".'? 


I 


memori,'  s '  Wi».    ^-i  auic..«— 


i 


}  n 


ir 


lift: 


8 


the  danger  of  war,  wc  shall  hnvo  to  meet  it 
OH  becorncH  tha  Americt\n  Congress.  Give  this 
notice — nccompany  it  with  a  liill  of  this  char- 
acter— think  you  that  Great  Britain  will  (|ui- 
etiy  fold  htr  arms,  not  anticipating  the  possibility  of 
a  conflict?  And  what  then  becomes  oftlie  jirospcct 
to  which  I  have  advcrtcii? 

The  tai  ill  .syHteni  of  England  would  not  be  modi- 
ficd,lwhiic  the  inicjuiiouH  bill  of  lb4'i  would  be  pcr- 
(jeluiitcd,  and  all  the  isHuod  which  the  peop:ii  of  this 
country  decided  in  In44  would  be  awt^pt  av,  ..y. 

My  friond  from  Mississippi,  [Mr.  Tuompsov,] 
spoke  yesterday  of  one  consideration,  which,  1 
inink,  ri'C|iiirrH  notice  at  the  liands  of  southern  cot- 
ton-fjrowin^  gentlemen,  lie  waid  that  Enjsildii'l  .would 
not  go  to  war  because  she  depended  on  ul.  for  the 
raw  material  to  sustain  her  manufactures.  There 
urc  two  s.de;  to  tliut  question. 

Mr.  Jacob  Thompson  explained.  He  said  he 
had  only  urged  that  as  one  of  the  eonsiderationa. 

Mr.  Leake.  Well,  then,  one  of  the  considera- 
tions was  that  England  could  not  do  without  a  sun- 
ply  of  cotton  from  um,  and,  therefore,  that  she  would 
not  fi^ht.  I  do  not  doubt  that  this  consideration 
woulJ  opciiiic  in  Kcnio  dc^^rec.  uut  I  aopenl  lo  ti.c 
cotton  interest — (and  I  am  of  their  kinurcd,  feelio'^ 
as  they  feel,  my  heart  palpitatiri;^  to  every  injury 
inflicted  upon  tliein,  for  I  am  the  represeniative  of 
an  agticultural  inteicst) — I  .luy  I  appeal  to  them  to 
say  if  Great  Britain  cannot  flourish  without  our 
eoiton,  can  our  cotton  flourish  without  the 
Engli:;h  market?  Of  ilie  two  and  a  half  millions  of 
Oales  raised  in  the  United  Slates,  Isnglnnd  takes 
over  two  millions,  or  more  than  four-fifths;  and 
yet  we  are  to  be  told  that  she  will  not  ;^o  to  war,  be- 
cause she  cannot  do  without  our  cotton,  when,  in 
fact,  all  of  us  know  that  we  cannot  do  without  the 
Engli.«h  market.  The  gross  delusion  that  the  tariff 
of  J842  was  to  build  ufi  a  home  market  has  been 
exploded.  It  is  at  least  in  the  womb  of  time — and 
I  give  it  as  my  opinion — tlio  promise  never  can  be 
realized.  So  that,  by  a  war,  wc  would  be  cut  ofT 
from  the  market  in  England,  whilst  we  should  find 
no  adequate  market  hereto  countervail  the  los^. 

Uut  this  is  an  unpropitious  time,  for  another  con- 
sideration, at  which  to  give  this,  notice.  I  know 
that  some  attempts  have  been  made  to  ridicule  the 
position  which  many  of  us  occupy  as  lo  the  true 
mode  of  settling  this  Oregon  question.  We  say 
that,  without  giving  aay  notice,  we  may  proceed 
to  take  the  proper  steps  to  secure  our  ulutnate  pos- 
session of  the  country,  and  to  j)lace  ourselves  in 
.-^tich  a  strong  and  invincible  position  that  Great 
'kitain  cannot  move  us.  The  gentleman  from  Ilii- 
iioit;  [Ah  .  i.!  ■^::-]  tt>i'!  I'.s  that  this  would  be  stealing 
the  teruii  I.;;  hw.  I  m'x  ■Atii-tUo',  to  :n  aUm^-ion 
,...»*  'i,  '-'... !r.i):f,  wtycli  goes  as  he  .w  ^  could 
v;ish.  That  gentiein.m  tul !  d.-,  M'.at  without  ,•■  •''"g 
the  notice,  we  could  properly  rr.sort  to  ai'  the  meas- 
ures recommended  by  the  President  in  hij  message. 
What,  sir,  arc  those  measures? 

To  encourage  cmicjratio.i  to  Oregon  hy  nil  proper 
means.  To  estaoiish  at  oncenr^'Iitary  posts;  to  es- 
tabliijh  pf  .it-routes,  and  to  guara.usa  by  tiic  strong 
arm  of  the  goveinmert  tjia  rlp'.'us  r.f  Ameri."  n  -.'iti- 
7ons  aoci'i;!,;.'  i;i  Oregon.  Ail  Miia  we  uavb  the 
yiov/er  to  do  wiliioii'  notice,  nnd  "*.  i.s  i-ll  thr.t  5s  ne- 
cess.iry  to  bs  doi?  to  ensure  our  uUimets  posses- 
sion of  tiie  country. 

If  you  g;vo  the  notice  you  must  do  iviorcthan  ;hi3. 
You  must  take  forcible  pos^'.asion  r,fthe  coii'try 
and  maintain  it  at  every  hazard,  whil.jt  the  athan- 


tages  to  be  secured,'  by  this  line  of  policy,  will  be 
identically  the  same 's  those  resulting  from  the  course 
I  have  indicated.  Hut  will  that  course  be  an  infrac- 
tion of  the  joint  convention?  Gentlemen  say  thu; 
Great  Britain  has  twenty-odd  forts  erected  within 
the  limits  of  the  disputed  territory;  that  she  hai  nu- 
merous settlements  there,  nnd  is  engaged  in  the  actual 
cultivation  of  the  soil.  England,  then,  has  cin. 
strued  the  convention  for  us;  and  if  we  have  sul). 
mitted  for  a  |)eriod  of  .'JO  years  to  thfinr-  "cncroHiJi. 
nients,"  surely  she  can  have  no  right  to  complain 
if  we  (;oloni^■<•,  with  a  view  to  avail  ourselves  of  tlic 
bcnffils  stipulated  in  the  agreement  between  th*) 
two  countries. 

I  wish  to  repent  that  I  nm  in  favor  of  all  steps 
requisite  to  secure  our  rights,  and  to  encourage  em- 
igration. The  great  argument  I  have  heard  here  i:i 
fuvorofthc  notice,  is,  that  nCi^otiations  have  been 
brought  to  aclose,and  therefore  that  we  nuistlook  to 
ulterior  action.  If  this  argument  is  founded  in  ren- 
son,  it  would  have  been  good  from  the  titne  of. the 
adoption  of  the  convention.  That  convention  was 
resoried  to  as  a  substitute  for  war,  as  tlie.  distin- 
gu'slied  genilenr..i  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
A  HAMS,  I  (in  rci.i.irks  which  I  fi:;!  reported  in  tli^; 
"intelligencer"  of  the  3d  of  February  lart,)  declared. 
It  was  a  .•substitute  for  war;  negotiations  had  fail- 
ed. In  18;J4,  another  brief  attempt  to  iiegotiate 
failed.  And  agiin,  in  18'2(),  another  effort  was  made 
to  settle  ihe  difflculty  by  negotiation.  But  the  Brit- 
i^ili  plenipotentiaries^  made  a  proposition  to  whicii 
v/e  could  not  n''ccJe,  and  it  was  rejected.  Negotia- 
tion failed,  and  the  convention  was  renewed.  So 
that  in  eaidi  of  these  cases  the  argument  had 
quite  as  much  force  and  efficacy  as  it  can  iiave  now. 
But  it  is  precisely  for  the  reason  that  negotiation 
has  failed  that  this  notice  ought  not  to  be 
given,  because  if  it  is  given,  war  is  the  only 
alternative.  Your  negotiations  have  failed,  and 
therefore  you  give  the  notice.  It  becomes,  then,  a 
resort  to  the  ultima  ratio  of  nations;  and  the  ques 
tion  must  be  settled  by  the  struggle  of  nrm.=»,  with 
all  the  power  and  resources  of  the  two  countries.  It 
is  an  event  fraught  with  too  much  horror,  and  with 
too  vast  a  destruction  of  the  interests  of  the  two 
countries  to  be  for  a  moment  contemplated. 

One  other  consideration,  and  I  have  cio.ged.  la 
1843,  wc  had  not  in  Ori'gon  200  cit'zens  who  hml 
gone  there  to  s(  tile.  In  1845,  we  had  8,000.  If 
this  increase  of  population,  nlmojit  unexampled  even 
in  the  nearly  fabulous  growth  of  population  in  the 
States  of  this  great  nation,  should  continue,  and  the 
notice  should  not  be  given,  in  two  or  three  years,  at 
the  89 me  ratio  of  increase,  we  should  have  not  less 
than  50,000  sturdy  sons  of  the  West  ready  to  repel 
r/.!,ii:»9^.\,  ^P'' '■'•■- ."^rrc   v'.-.o  country' frTvi  Briusi. 

This  consideration  alone  would  deter  me  froi.i 
giving  the  notice,  and  satii.iies  me  that  the  course  1 
am  pur^juing  is  consistent  with  our  rights;  for  it  is 
to  be  remembered  that  the  joint  convention  in  no 
respect  detracts  from  our  claim.  It  does  r.jt  weak- 
en the  strength  of  our  title,  but  leaves  it  precisely 
as  it  is. 

I  hftve  thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  hastily  expressed  the 
vie'i's  v.'hi(  b  }.'ive  guidtd  me  to  the  -oncluKion  ai 
wVich  '  have  ar.-ivcd;  and  1  sincerely  inist  that,  in 
tlie  r'uim".te  settlement  of  this  momen',ous  question, 
the  real  honor  and  true  glory  of  our  country  may 
be  preserved  untarnished,  and  its  interests  guaran- 
tied, as  well  against  foreign  aggression  as  against 
the  eiTects  of  hasty  and  ill-timed  legislation  here. 


_i»—  ---■-^■•'V^^  -  ■ 


~'*^W-:i. 


y'- 


le  of  policy,  will  be 
llinj^  from  the  course 

courBe  be  an  infrnc- 
ientlcmen  say  that 
forts  erected  within 
ry;  that  she  hai  nu- 
enajasjeii  in  the  actual 
mil,  then,  lias  cnri. 
iitid  if  Nvc  have  fiiib- 

t(i  thci'f  "eiicr()'ii:h- 
)  ri-^ht  lo  coinpliiifi 
ivail  oursplves  of  the 
joment  between  th'! 

in  favor  of  all  steps 
ml  to  encourage  ein- 
I  have  heani  here  i;! 
ntiations  have  been 
that  we  nuiNtlook  to 
lU  is  founded  in  roa- 
from  the  tiTrie  of.  the 
rhnt  convention  was 
var,  as  the  distin- 
fassachusetts,  [Mr. 
fi;rl  rcpnrtnd  in  ll.'' 
ruary  Inrt,)  dcrinrcd 
egoliations  had  fail- 
ttempt  to  Mes;otir\tc 
)ther  elfort  was  mado 
aiion.  But  the  Uris 
roposilion  to  wliicii 
I  rejected.  Negotia- 
n  wn(3  renewed.    So 

the  argument  had 
'  as  it  can  have  now. 
;on   tliat  negotiation 

ought  not  to  be 
,  war  ia  the  only 
13  have  failed,  and 
It  become.s,  then,  a 
ions;  and  the  ques- 
iggle  of  arma,  with 
lie  two  countries.  It 
uch  horror,  and  with 
interests  of  the  two 
)ntennpiated. 

I  have  closed.  In 
!0U  citizens  who  had 

we  had  8,000.  If 
iO£)t  unexampled  even 
of  population  in  the 
uld  continue,  and  the 
;wo  or  three  years,  at 
should  have  not  less 
!  West  ready  to  if;pel 
jountry  frtii  Briusi. 
i 

joiM  deter  me  froi.-. 
me  that  the  course  1 
our  rights;  for  it  ia 
it  convention  in  no 
.  It  does  r.jt  wcak- 
it  leaves  it  precisely 

hastily  expressed  the 
to  fbe  -ancluKion  ai 
incerciy  i.-ust  that,  in 
momentous  question, 
of  our  country  may 
its  interests  guaran- 
iggression  as  against 
id  legialation  here. 


v.'J 


'"H.j^. 


I 


J|7 


